It proceeds on the assumption that in engaging with the theory and structure of caste and the problem of untouchability in India, ambedkar had pioneered a constructive method of deconstruction long before the relativism and subjectivism of postmodernism and deconstruction developed by anti-marxist philosophers like. By the 1980s, an influential section of Indian social scientists, including historians, were affected by the linguistic, cultural and feminist turns. In such essay conditions, the question of seriously taking Ambedkar as a historian did not arise. In the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s he was not paid enough attention because nationalists and Marxists held sway over Indian historiography. To the nationalist the nation, and to the marxists Class remained central; both tended to underestimate the role of caste in Indian history and the specific problems of the. Nationalist and Marxist history overlook caste. To understand Ambedkar as a historian, a visit to the intellectual climate of late colonial India is necessary.
Two, most Indian history departments teach historical methodology in a eurocentric context. The models of history writing included in their methodology and theory curriculum are usually western: Whig, Utilitarian, marxist, Prussian, Annales, Structuralist, post-Structuralist, postmodern, etc. This in itself is not unproductive but leaves little scope to teach historical methods arising from modern Indian thinkers like phule, periyar and Ambedkar. For instance, whenever Indian history departments raise the importance of hermeneutics they may refer. Collingwood or William Dilthey or Martin heidegger but never a tradition of modern hermeneutics going back to at least Jotiba Phule in the 19th century. Ambedkar leads the agitation at the kalaram Temple, nashik, for temple-entry rights of Untouchables. This article seeks a redress of this imbalance by drawing attention to the immense hermeneutic potential of Ambedkars writings on caste and other political and economic matters.
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It would be farmer nothing but pedantry to say that a preponderance of probability is not a sufficient basis for a valid decision. I am not so vain as to claim any finality for my thesis my critics should consider whether this thesis is not a workable and therefore, for the edition time being, a valid hypothesis if the test of a valid hypothesis is that it should fit. I do not want anything more from my critics than a fair and unbiased appraisal. Ambedkar, Preface to, the Untouchables, 1948, this article is a commentary on Ambedkars historical method from the perspective of a professional historian educated, trained and employed in India. It presumes that the establishment of Indian historians has not, so far, acknowledged his historical approach to politics as a legacy of his prodigious intellect. I dont remember my respected.
Marxist professors referring to him as a historian during my student days at the centre for Historical Studies, jnu the premier establishment for historical research in India in the 1980s. Nor do i remember his name being taken alongside jawaharlal Nehrus as a historian of India either in college or in any Indian university. Even in the department of History, delhi University, where i have taught history to post-graduate and research students since 2009, Ambedkar is usually not recognized as a historian despite the deep historicity of his overall work on the Indian caste system. This state of affairs has come to pass because of the following causes. First, questions of caste and untouchability, in general, have not been accorded the importance they deserve in Indian historiography despite the rise of the subaltern Studies in the 1980s and 1990s. Generally, in Indian social sciences, sociologists or anthropologists deal with matters of caste.
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