This shall accordingly constitute the gpa subject of my next address. The same idea, tracing the arguments to their consequences, is held out in several of the late publications against the new Constitution. Click here to e-mail a founding Fathers "virtual postcard.". In: Other Topics, submitted by brose0405, words 782, pages. Madison says that complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens—what are these complaints that people make. that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force. Are these complaints valid in Madisons view?
Its analogy to your own state constitution and lastly, the additional security which its adoption will afford to the preservation of that species of government, to liberty, and to property. In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention. It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to prove the utility of the union, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts of the great body of the people in every State, and one, which it may be imagined, has no adversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity resort to separate confederacies. 1, this doctrine will, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries enough to countenance an open avowal. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of that Union, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution.
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I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good essay intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all.
They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth. I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars: the utility of the union to your political prosperity. The insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve that union. The necessity oovernment at least equally energetic with the one proposed, to the attainment of this object. The conformity of the proposed constitution to the true principles of republican government.
Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution. And yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declamations and the bitterness. An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty.
An over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career by paying. In the course of the preceding observations, i have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, i own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, i am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt. I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness.
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It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because their situations way might subject them to suspicion) into interested or ambitious views. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least,. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate hazlitt as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword.
Alexander Hamilton, to the people of the State of New York: after an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the subsisting paperless federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the union, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view. This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth. Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and.
legislative authority dominates, so it should be divided into different branches, which are elected through different modes and different principles of action. The executive branch should be strengthened by an absolute negative. In such republic, all the power surrendered by the people, should be submitted to administration of a single government; and usurpations are guarded against by a division of the government into district and separate departments. The government should guard the society not only against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other party as well. Create a community independent of the majority the society itself. While authority in it will be derived for and dependent on the society, the society itself will be broke into so many parts, interest and classes that the rights of individuals or of the minority will be in little danger form interested combinations of the. The security for civil rights must be the same as for religious rights. General Introduction, for the Independent journal.
The most powerful fraction will prevail over the lesser ones by regular vote. When a majority is included in a faction, both public good and the rights of other citizens will be sacrificed to the factions ruling passion or interest. The, federalist 51:Madisons suggestions for the separation of powers and the federal system. Madison, separation of powers is essential to liberty. Each department should have a will of its own. The members of each should have as little will influence in the appointment of the members of the others. The same authority should make legislative offices appointments for the supreme executive, judiciary. Especially in the judiciary department, a mode of choice should be selected, which best secures these qualifications, ad, because of the office for life part, there should be no dependence on the authority given to them. Members of each department should be as little dependent as possible on those of the others.
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Federalist Papers Essay, research, paper. The, federalist 10, madisons problems with factions. Madison, a faction is a number of gpa citizens, whether a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests. The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. Different opinions concerning religion, concerning government, speculation of practice, an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for power, unequal distribution of property, creditors. Debtors, all will contribute to the creation of factions. Their interests bias their judgments.